Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Eusebio de Cesarea. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Eusebio de Cesarea. Mostrar todas las entradas

sábado, 15 de mayo de 2021

LA PÚRPURA EN EL ANTIGUO Y EL NUEVO TESTAMENTO: EL CÉNIT Y EL NADIR


Este es el texto de una conferencia que imparto el lunes, 17 de mayo de 2021, en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, dentro del VII Ciclo de conferencias “Estudios interdisciplinares de cristianismo antiguo: primeros cristianismos y su difusión”. 

La debo impartir en la Complutense y, sin embargo, no puedo ir hasta Madrid por la pandemia, por las precauciones especiales que me han recomendado y porque aún no estoy vacunado contra el coronavirus. Habrá que hablar, otra vez, a distancia, como en tantas clases, como en la defensa de alguna tesis doctoral, como en tantas conversaciones con amigos y familiares. 

Ojalá recordemos esto pronto como la vieja anormalidad.





Esta exposición parte de un estudio previo sobre iconología en la Vida de Constantino de Eusebio de Cesarea. Es un estudio sobre la significación y el papel de la púrpura en la construcción de la imagen del emperador que presenta esa obra:

José B. Torres Guerra, “Purple and the Depiction of Constantine in Eusebius and other Contemporaneous Panegyrical Works”, en Mª Pilar García Ruiz y A. Quiroga Puertas (eds.), Emperor and Emperorship in Late Antiquity. Images and Narratives, Leiden, Brill, 2021, 76-92.

El estudio tiene en cuenta, además de la Vida de Constantino, otros panegíricos afines, relacionados con Constantino u otros emperadores. Se recurre a la comparación con esos textos para establecer un marco histórico, literario y retórico:

-          Atañen a esa figura, además de la Vida de Constantino,

o   la Laus Constantini (también de Eusebio de Cesarea, también en griego),

o   el Discurso a la asamblea de los santos (Oratio ad Sanctorum coetum, en griego; en principio, de Constantino: ¿con la colaboración de Eusebio y/o Lactancio?)

o   y dos Panegyrici Latini anónimos, de autores paganos (VI [7], XII [9]). En algún momento de ellos se habla de la púrpura también en relación con dos tetrarcas: el PanLat VI (7; cf. 16,1) a Maximiano y el PanLat XII (9; cf. 3,4, 16,3) a Majencio. En el curso de la investigación se vio que también convenía recurrir a otros dos PanLat no contemporáneos: el PanLat III (11: dedicado a Juliano) y el PanLat II (12: dedicado a Teodosio).

Como resultado del estudio se apreció que la púrpura se presenta bajo tres modalidades distintas en la Vida de Constantino:


1.       Púrpura, en un sentido secular: es el atributo imperial característico, símbolo de la dignidad imperial de acuerdo con la tradición romana.

o   Sucede también así en el PanLat VI 8,3: los soldados de Constancio Cloro, el padre de Constantino, se la imponen a este para indicar que es su sucesor tras su muerte.

o   En la Laus Constantini, la púrpura (ἁλουργίς, ‘manto de púrpura’ según el DGE) es parte de los atributos imperiales con los que se reviste Constantino; una vez (5,6) viene acompañada de otro atributo imperial, la diadema. Se ha de subrayar que estas referencias a la púrpura de un escritor cristiano que escribe un basilikòs lógos hablan de ese material en el mismo sentido secular que los autores paganos.

o   En la Vida de Constantino, las referencias a la púrpura (ἁλουργίς, con una excepción en 4,66,2, πορφύρα) son, aunque escasas, significativas y funcionales porque marcan hitos en la narración. La púrpura solo aparece en sentido secular en dos ocasiones, al principio y al final de la obra:

§  1,21,2-22,1: como en PanLat VI, la asunción de la púrpura indica la asunción del poder; se dice cómo Constantino entra revestido de púrpura, como nuevo Augusto, en el palacio de su padre tras la muerte de este.

§  4,66,1-2: tras la muerte de Constantino, sus soldados lo trasladan a Constantinopla para el funeral imperial. El cadáver se sitúa en un catafalco, sobre un almohadón, envuelto en “púrpura imperial” (ἁλουργίδι βασιλικῇ). El cadáver está revestido además con los símbolos del poder, la púrpura (πορφύρᾳ) y la diadema. Lo notable es que, en esta ceremonia secular (y pagana), vuelven a vestir a Constantino con la púrpura, el símbolo que había rechazado antes de morir según se verá ahora.


2.       Púrpura en un sentido religioso positivo: estas menciones se pueden leer a la luz de las connotaciones de la púrpura en el Antiguo Testamento, de modo especial cuando Constantino aparece en el Concilio de Nicea (Vida de Constantino 3,10,3-4):

πάντων δἐξαναστάντων ἐπὶ συνθήματι, τὴν βασιλέως εἴσοδον ἐδήλου, αὐτὸς δὴ λοιπὸν διέβαινε μέσος οἷα θεοῦ τις οὐράνιος ἄγγελος, λαμπρὰν μὲν ὥσπερ φωτὸς μαρμαρυγαῖς ἐξαστράπτων περιβολήνἁλουργίδος δὲ πυρωποῖς καταλαμπόμενος ἀκτῖσι, χρυσοῦ τε καὶ λίθων πολυτελῶν διαυγέσι φέγγεσι κοσμούμενος.

Todos se alzaron a una señal que indicaba la entrada del emperador. Marchaba él seguidamente por en medio como un mensajero celeste de Dios, irradiando como chispazos de luz de su brillante vestidura, iluminado por los rayos intensos de un manto de púrpura, adornado con el deslumbrante esplendor del oro y las piedras preciosas (trad. José B. Torres).


o   Constantino se presenta ante los obispos reunidos para inaugurar la sesión. Él abre y preside de hecho, según la narración de Eusebio, el Concilio de Nicea, como un obispo situado por encima de los obispos, en ausencia del papa Silvestre I, buscando preservar la concordia de su imperio. Y sin ser formalmente cristiano porque no está bautizado.

o   La escena tiene una gran fuerza visual y, en su centro, se sitúa la figura resplandeciente de Constantino, que brilla con la púrpura imperial. Pero él, según Eusebio, ya es más que un emperador, por el contexto eclesial de la escena, porque aparece οἷα θεοῦ τις οὐράνιος ἄγγελος, “como un mensajero celeste de Dios”. Y también su púrpura debe ser ahora algo más que púrpura imperial.



o   Para entender las implicaciones de esta imagen conviene leer la escena a la luz del Éxodo. Se debe recordar la importancia que se le atribuye a la púrpura en el Antiguo Testamento (en los Setenta siempre, como en el Nuevo Testamento, πορφύρα, nunca ἁλουργίς), muy en concreto en las prescripciones rituales del Éxodo. Ahí se indica, y son solo unos pocos ejemplos, el papel de la púrpura en la confección de la tienda del Tabernáculo, de diversos objetos rituales y de las vestiduras sacerdotales, del efod (el pectoral del sacerdote) y del manto de este. Cf. Éxodo[LXX] 28,3-5, 8, 15 (a propósito de los vestidos del sacerdote):

τοῖς σοφοῖς τῇ διανοίᾳ (…) ποιήσουσιν τὴν στολὴν τὴν ἁγίαν Ααρων εἰς τὸ ἅγιον, ἐν ᾗ ἱερατεύσει μοι. 4 καὶ αὗται αἱ στολαί, ἃς ποιήσουσιν· τὸ περιστήθιον καὶ τὴν ἐπωμίδα καὶ τὸν ποδήρη καὶ χιτῶνα κοσυμβωτὸν καὶ κίδαριν καὶ ζώνην· καὶ ποιήσουσιν στολὰς ἁγίας Ααρων καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ ἱερατεύειν μοι. 5 καὶ αὐτοὶ λήμψονται τὸ χρυσίον καὶ τὴν ὑάκινθον καὶ τὴν πορφύραν καὶ τὸ κόκκινον καὶ τὴν βύσσον. (…) 8 καὶ τὸ ὕφασμα τῶν ἐπωμίδων, ὅ ἐστιν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ, κατὰ τὴν ποίησιν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἔσται ἐκ χρυσίου καὶ ὑακίνθου καὶ πορφύρας καὶ κοκκίνου διανενησμένου καὶ βύσσου κεκλωσμένης. (…) 15 καὶ ποιήσεις λογεῖον τῶν κρίσεων, ἔργον ποικιλτοῦ· κατὰ τὸν ῥυθμὸν τῆς ἐπωμίδος ποιήσεις αὐτό· ἐκ χρυσίου καὶ ὑακίνθου καὶ πορφύρας καὶ κοκκίνου κεκλωσμένου καὶ βύσσου κεκλωσμένης ποιήσεις αὐτό.

Los expertos en el oficio (…) harán la vestidura santa de Aarón para el santuario, con la que ejercerá para mí el sacerdocio. 4 Y estas son las vestiduras que harán: el pectoral y el efod y la vestidura larga y una túnica con flecos y una tiara y un cinturón; y harán vestiduras santas a Aarón y a sus hijos para que ejerzan para mí el sacerdocio. 5 Y ellos tomarán el oro y el jacinto y la púrpura y el granate y el lino. (…) 8 Y la textura de las hombreras, que está sobre él [el efod], será igual a su hechura: de oro y jacinto y púrpura y granate retorcido y lino rehilado. (…) 15 Y harás el pectoral de los juicios, trabajo de bordador; igual al efod lo harás: de oro y jacinto y púrpura y granate rehilado y lino rehilado (trad. de María Victoria Spottorno).


o   Se ha dicho que Eusebio convierte a Constantino en un nuevo Moisés. Posiblemente la huella del Antiguo Testamento también está presente en la imagen de Constantino que Eusebio presenta en la narración de Nicea. En la ocasión del Concilio, el emperador ya no es solo emperador y su púrpura ya no es solo púrpura imperial, según la tradición secular romana: la púrpura se reviste con las connotaciones que tiene en el Antiguo Testamento, es la púrpura de un Sumo Sacerdote.


3.       Púrpura en un sentido religioso negativo: así se aprecia, en la Vida de Constantino, en un único momento, el relato de la muerte de Constantino y su bautismo.

o   Se ha de señalar que en el Nuevo Testamento la púrpura posee connotaciones distintas de las que tiene en el Antiguo Testamento. En el Nuevo Testamento hay alguna referencia a la púrpura puramente factual (la vendedora de púrpura en Hechos 16,14). Pero, aparte de este caso, las menciones de este material en el Nuevo Testamento son negativas.

1.       P. ej., en Lucas 16,19 es un atributo de la opulencia del hombre rico, insensible ante la pobreza de Lázaro.

2.      La púrpura es un elemento negativo muy en especial en el Apocalipsis, en el que forma parte, por ejemplo, de los adornos de la Gran Prostituta (17,4-5, 18,11-12, 16).

o   Ahora bien, hablar de púrpura en el Nuevo Testamento remite, ante todo, a su protagonista, a Jesús, a su Pasión y a las burlas de los soldados. Hablan del episodio Mateo, Marcos y Juan (Lucas no: en Lucas los soldados no se burlan de la realeza de Jesús, de él se burla antes Herodes). Estos tres evangelistas hablan de que la guarnición se burla de Jesús, asignándole atributos de rey cuando es un preso que está a punto de morir crucificado como un malhechor:



1.       Mateo (27,27-31) habla de un “manto escarlata” (un capote militar), una “corona” (de espinas) y un “cetro” (una caña); los soldados se arrodillan ante él y lo aclaman como rey de los judíos.

οἱ στρατιῶται (…) 28 ἐκδύσαντες αὐτὸν χλαμύδα κοκκίνην περιέθηκαν αὐτῷ, 29 καὶ πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ κάλαμον ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γονυπετήσαντες ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ λέγοντες, Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 30 καὶ ἐμπτύσαντες εἰς αὐτὸν ἔλαβον τὸν κάλαμον καὶ ἔτυπτον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. 31 καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ σταυρῶσαι.

Los soldados (…) 28 lo desnudaron y le echaron encima un manto de púrpura; 29 y, trenzando una corona de espinas, se la pusieron sobre su cabeza, y en su mano derecha una caña; y doblando la rodilla delante de él, se burlaron de él diciendo: «¡Salve, Rey de los judíos!»; 30 y después de escupirle, cogieron la caña y le golpeaban en la cabeza. 31 Y, cuando se hubieron burlado de él, le quitaron el manto, le pusieron sus ropas y lo llevaron a crucificar (trad. Biblia de Jerusalén, ligeramente modificada).


2.       Marcos (15,17-20) habla de un vestido que es “púrpura” y de una “corona” (de espinas); los soldados lo aclaman como rey de los judíos y se arrodillan ante él.

καὶ ἐνδιδύσκουσιν αὐτὸν πορφύραν καὶ περιτιθέασιν αὐτῷ πλέξαντες ἀκάνθινον στέφανον· 18 καὶ ἤρξαντο ἀσπάζεσθαι αὐτόν, Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων· 19 καὶ ἔτυπτον αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν καλάμῳ καὶ ἐνέπτυον αὐτῷ, καὶ τιθέντες τὰ γόνατα προσεκύνουν αὐτῷ. 20 καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν πορφύραν καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια τὰ ἴδια. καὶ ἐξάγουσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα σταυρώσουσιν αὐτόν.

Y lo visten de púrpura y, trenzando una corona de espinas, se la ciñen. 18 Y se pusieron a saludarle: «¡Salve, Rey de los judíos!» 19 Y le golpeaban en la cabeza con una caña, le escupían y, doblando las rodillas, se postraban ante él. 20 Y, cuando se hubieron burlado de él, le quitaron la púrpura y le pusieron sus ropas. Y lo sacan fuera para crucificarlo (trad. Biblia de Jerusalén, ligeramente modificada).


3.       Juan (19,2-3, 5) habla de una “corona” (de espinas) y un manto “de púrpura” (“purpúreo”, πορφυροῦν); los soldados lo aclaman como rey de los judíos.

καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν περιέβαλον αὐτόν, 3 καὶ ἤρχοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἔλεγον, Χαῖρε, ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων· καὶ ἐδίδοσαν αὐτῷ ῥαπίσματα (…) 5 ἐξῆλθεν οὖν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἔξω, φορῶν τὸν ἀκάνθινον στέφανον καὶ τὸ πορφυροῦν ἱμάτιον.

Y los soldados, trenzando una corona de espinas, se la pusieron en la cabeza y le pusieron un manto de púrpura; 3 y se acercaban a él y le decían: «Salve, Rey de los judíos.» Y le daban bofetadas (…). 5 Así pues, Jesús salió fuera llevando la corona de espinas y el manto de púrpura (trad. Biblia de Jerusalén, ligeramente modificada).


o   Como todo es una parodia, los soldados le escupen, le golpean en la cabeza y, terminada la broma, lo despojan de la supuesta púrpura real, lo visten de nuevo con sus vestidos (aunque en Juan se dice que sigue con el manto de púrpura) y lo llevan a crucificar.


o   La visión negativa de la púrpura surge en la Vida de Constantino (4,62,4), como se ha dicho, solo en la narración de la muerte de Constantino y su bautismo.

Κωνσταντῖνος Χριστοῦ μυστηρίοις ἀναγεννώμενος ἐτελειοῦτο, θείας τε σφραγῖδος ἀξιούμενος ἠγάλλετο τῷ πνεύματι ἀνεκαινοῦτό τε καὶ φωτὸς ἐνεπίμπλατο θείου (…) τὸ δ’ ἐναργὲς καταπεπληγὼς τῆς ἐνθέου δυνάμεως. Ὡς δ’ ἐπληροῦτο τὰ δέοντα, λαμπροῖς καὶ βασιλικοῖς ἀμφιάσμασι φωτὸς ἐκλάμπουσι τρόπον περιεβάλλετο ἐπὶ λευκοτάτῃ τε στρωμνῇ διανεπαύετο, οὐκέθ’ ἁλουργίδος ἐπιψαῦσαι θελήσας.

Constantino se iniciaba en los misterios de Cristo y renacía, se le juzgaba digno del sello divino y se gloriaba en el Espíritu, se renovaba y se llenaba de luz divina, (…), conmocionado, por otra parte, por la manifestación visible del poder divino. Cumplido lo debido, se recubría con radiantes y regios vestidos que refulgían a manera de la luz y se recostaba en un lecho de un blanco intensísimo, sin querer posar ya su mano sobre la púrpura (trad. José B. Torres).

o   La muerte de Constantino es inminente, como en el caso de Jesús en los pasajes de los Evangelios: también, como en su caso, la púrpura va a desempeñar un papel. El emperador pide recibir el bautismo. Según la Vida de Constantino, Constantino renuncia entonces a la púrpura; prefiere otras vestiduras, también brillantes, un “traje de cristianar”. 

No se dice que sea blanco, según lo propio desde la Antigüedad (Cyr.H., Myst. 4,8). Pero lo da a entender λαμπρός en λαμπροῖς καὶ βασιλικοῖς ἀμφιάσμασι, “brillante e imperial vestidura”: λαμπρός lo usa, por ejemplo, Polibio (10,5,1) para traducir candidus (= ‘blanco radiante’), en la expresión toga candida.

o   Lo fundamental es que Constantino se despoja de la púrpura y no quiere ni siquiera tocarla. Despojarse de la púrpura imperial es repetir lo que hacían los nuevos cristianos, que se quitaban sus vestidos viejos antes de recibir el bautismo. Además, el abandono de los vestidos antiguos se acompaña en Constantino de la recepción de una “luz divina”, a la que el emperador se refiere poco después (4,63,1):

κἄπειτα τὴν φωνὴν ἀνυψώσας εὐχαριστήριον ἀνέπεμπε τῷ θεῷ προσευχήν, μεθ’ ἣν ἐπῆγε λέγων· «νῦν ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ μακάριον οἶδ’ ἐμαυτόν, νῦν τῆς ἀθανάτου ζωῆς πεφάνθαι ἄξιον, νῦν τοῦ θείου μετειληφέναι φωτός».

Y después, alzando la voz, elevaba a Dios una oración en acción de gracias, tras la cual seguía diciendo: “Ahora sé que soy bienaventurado en el sentido verdadero, ahora sé que me he mostrado digno de la vida inmortal y ahora sé que participo de la Luz divina” (trad. José B. Torres).


En relación con el sentido religioso que acaba adoptando la púrpura en la Vida de Constantino es muy ilustrativa la comparación con la Oratio funebris (PG 9,487,1-4) que Gregorio de Nisa dedica a la emperatriz Flacila (356-386); en esa Oratio se habla incluso de dos tipos de púrpura, la púrpura terrena y la púrpura celestial:

ἀπεδύσατο τὴν πορφυρίδα, ἀλλὰ Χριστὸν ἐνεδύσατο. τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ βασιλικὸν ὄντως καὶ τίμιον ἔνδυμα. τὴν ὧδε πορφύραν ἀκούω αἵματι κόχλου τινὸς θαλασσίας φοινίσσεσθαι, τὴν δὲ ἄνω πορφύραν τὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ αἷμα λάμπειν ποιεῖ.

Se despojó de la púrpura. Pero se revistió de Cristo. Este es el vestido realmente imperial y valioso. La púrpura de aquí dicen que se tiñe de rojo con la sangre de un caracol marino. En cambio, a la púrpura de lo alto la hace brillar la sangre de Cristo (trad. José B. Torres).

 

Querría llamar también la atención sobre otro pasaje del Nuevo Testamento del que no hablé en el artículo base de esta exposición. Puede que no implique una referencia a la púrpura. Aun así, se debe considerar esta posibilidad. Además, tiene importancia para la iconología del emperador-rey en el Nuevo Testamento; y presenta afinidades claras con los pasajes anteriores por la consideración negativa de los vestidos magnificentes que implican vanidad o, en términos clásicos, ὕβρις.


El pasaje en cuestión es Hechos de los Apóstoles 12,20-23. La “vestidura real” que lleva en ese lugar Herodes (Herodes Agripa I), ¿es púrpura imperial-real?

Se ha de recordar, por cierto, que la púrpura, aunque sea de otra calidad, puede no estar reservada al emperador; en PanLat 2(12),28,4 se habla de purpuras consulares, en PanLat 2(12),37,4 de reuerendos municipali purpura flamines).

Herodes se halla en Cesarea; hace acto de presencia ante los embajadores de Tiro y Sidón. Al presentarse en público el rey, sucede esto:

21 τακτῇ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἐνδυσάμενος ἐσθῆτα βασιλικὴν [καὶ] καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐδημηγόρει πρὸς αὐτούς· 22 ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπεφώνει, Θεοῦ φωνὴ καὶ οὐκ ἀνθρώπου. 23 παραχρῆμα δὲ ἐπάταξεν αὐτὸν ἄγγελος κυρίου ἀνθ’ ὧν οὐκ ἔδωκεν τὴν δόξαν τῷ θεῷ, καὶ γενόμενος σκωληκόβρωτος ἐξέψυξεν.

El día señalado, Herodes, regiamente vestido y sentado en la tribuna, les arengaba. Entonces el pueblo se puso a aclamarle: «¡Es un dios el que habla, no un hombre!» Pero inmediatamente lo hirió el Ángel del Señor porque no había dado la gloria a Dios; y, convertido en pasto de gusanos, expiró (trad. Biblia de Jerusalén).

Josefo (Antigüedades Judías 19,8,2) narra el episodio, con variantes. En su caso, el vestido es de plata; se supone que estaba tejido con hilos de plata que brillaban al sol. En lo que sigue al texto que presento, el rey recibe un presagio ominoso, se siente mal y muere al poco tiempo.

Δευτέρᾳ δὴ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν ἐνδὺς ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν, ὡς θαυμάσιον ὑφὴν εἶναι, παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας. Ἔνθα ταῖς πρώταις τῶν ἡλιακῶν ἀκτίνων ἐπιβολαῖς ὁ ἄργυρος καταυγασθεὶς θαυμασίως ἀπέστιλβε μαρμαίρων τι φοβερὸν καὶ τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀτενίζουσι φρικῶδες.

En el segundo día de las fiestas se puso un vestido hecho todo de plata, obra tejida de manera admirable, y se presentó en el teatro al rayar el día. Entonces, al incidir los primeros rayos del sol, la plata, iluminada por la luz, la irradiaba de manera asombrosa, brillando de un modo terrible e infundiendo temor en quienes fijaban en ella la mirada (trad. José B. Torres).

Estudiar la imagen negativa del emperador-rey que rechaza a Dios o a los cristianos puede llevar a considerar otros textos. Por ejemplo, porque atañe a la cuestión constantiniana, se puede acudir al paralelo de la muerte de Valeriano en el Discurso a la asamblea de los santos 24,2; se da la misma mezcla de atributos reales que denotan excelencia y el contraste con las condiciones miserables en que muere el emperador (Valeriano) o el rey (Herodes Agripa) enemigos de Dios:

ἀλλὰ σύγε, Οὐαλεριανέ, τὴν αὐτὴν μιαιφονίαν ἐνδειξάμενος τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τοῦ θεοῦ, τὴν ὁσίαν κρίσιν ἐξέφηνας ἁλοὺς αἰχμάλωτός τε καὶ δέσμιος ἀχθεὶς σὺν αὐτῇ πορφυρίδι καὶ τῷ λοιπῷ βασιλικῷ κόσμῳ, τέλος δὲ ὑπὸ Σαπώρου τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως ἐκδαρῆναι κελευσθεὶς καὶ ταριχευθεὶς τρόπαιον τῆς σαυτοῦ δυστυχίας ἔστησας αἰώνιον.

Pero tú, Valeriano, tras mostrar la misma ansia criminal hacia los que obedecen a Dios, revelaste el juicio pío tras ser capturado, conducido, cautivo y encadenado, con la misma púrpura y el restante ornato imperial; y al final, desollado por orden de Sapor, el rey de los persas, y embalsamado, te erigiste en trofeo eterno de tu propio infortunio (trad. José B. Torres).

 

Los textos propuestos presentan elementos significativos de la iconología del Nuevo Testamento (y del Antiguo) que se han de seguir estudiando. Mi primer trabajo era una aportación al estudio de la iconología del emperador en una obra concreta a través de un elemento altamente relevante, la púrpura. Invirtiendo los términos, he presentado ahora un esbozo de estudio sobre la iconología del Nuevo Testamento. Seguramente este es un campo prometedor en el que se puede avanzar en un futuro.

José B. Torres Guerra


Bradley, M. 2009. Colour and Meaning in Ancient Rome. Cambridge (cf. pp. 189-211, 226-227).

Fernández Uriel, P. 2010. Púrpura. Del mercado al poder, Madrid.

García Ureña, L. 2015. ‘Colour Adjectives in the New Testament’, NTS 61: 219-238.

Longo, O. (ed.) 1998. La porpora: realtá e immaginario di un colore simbolico. Atti del Convegno di Studio, Venezia 24-25 ottobre 1996. Venecia.

Reinhold, M. 1976. History of Purple as a Status Symbol in Antiquity. Bruselas.

Stulz H. 1990. Die Farbe Purpur im frühen Griechentum. Stuttgart.




 

sábado, 11 de febrero de 2017

PURPLE AND CONSTANTINE’S IMAGE ACCORDING TO EUSEBIUS


Una entrada en inglés; y otra vez Constantino. El inglés es la lengua de trabajo del Congreso que celebramos el 17 y 18 de febrero de 2017 en la Universidad de Navarra (Emperor and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: images, narratives and ceremonies). En el segmento temporal en el que se centra esta actividad es obvio que Constantino constituye un referente capital.

Lo que cuente en ese Congreso se parece bastante a este texto. Por eso lo cuelgo aquí, como versión provisional de mi contribución; y como versión aún más provisional de lo que se publique finalmente.


Purple was a very expensive material whose use became a symbol of royal dignity in Antiquity.
In the Greek classical literature this was the allusive function played by the purple carpet on which the king of Argos treads when he comes into his palace in Aeschylus’s Agamemnon.
In the Roman Empire purple was a distinctive symbol of imperial dignity, long before and after Constantine (272-337), the emperor on whom this presentation will be focused.
It analyses the role played by the purple in relation to Constantine’s image in Eusebius’s Life of Constantine, a panegyric completed after the death of the emperor in 337. In order to discuss the question within a broad literary context, the Eusebian text will be read in relation to other encomiastic works which also speak about Constantine and purple.
As they are previous in time, two Panegyrici Latini, 6 (7) and 12 (9), are examined in first place. Both were addressed to the son of Constantius Chlorus and delivered in 310 and 313 respectively by anonymous pagan orators.
In the first discourse (6,8,3), the Latin panegyrist narrates how Constantine assumed the imperial purple in 306 as a sign of being the successor of the defunct emperor, his father Constantius Chlorus. The Constantian soldiers are said to have bestowed on Constantine the imperial symbol in spite of his sadness after the death of his father. By accepting the garment, Constantine recognized that he was the new Augustus in accordance with the Roman habit:
Purpuram statim tibi (…) milites utilitati publicae magis quam tuis adfectibus seruientes iniecere lacrimanti; neque enim fas erat diutius fleri principem consecratum.
“Straightaway the soldiers threw the purple over you despite your tears, taking more account of the public advantage than your feelings, for it was not right to mourn any longer a ruler who had been consecrated as a god”.
Purple appears later in this Panegyric (6,16,1), also as a symbol of the imperial condition, but now in a new context and in relation to its irregular use. According to the anonymous and pro-Constantinean panegyrist, it would have been an abuse if the old tetrarch Maximianus (ca. 250-310) had usurped the imperial dignity and the purple as he pretended:
Repente intra parietes consideret purpuratus et bis depositum tertio usurparet imperium... 
“Suddenly to take up a position within the walls, clad in purple, and usurp imperial power, twice laid down, for the third time...”.
The deviated use of purple is actually the point shared by the two references to this symbol which appear in the twelfth Panegyric. In both cases Maxentius (ca. 278-312), the son of Maximianus, is presented as a usurper. In the first passage (12,3,4) Maximianus attempts to tear the purple from the shoulders of his own son, whom he considers an ‘abomination’, dedecus:
Ipse denique qui pater illius credebatur discissam ab umeris purpuram detrahere conatus senserat in illud dedecus sua fata transisse.
“Finally, he who was believed to be his father, after attempting to tear the purple from his shoulders, perceived that his own destiny had passed over to that abomination”.
Maxentius is mentioned afterwards (16,3) as a tot annorum uernula purpuratus, “a little slave who dressed himself in purple for so many years”.

There are no more references to the purple in the collection of Panegyrici Latini, and this scanty presence may have an obvious explanation: it seems advisable to employ significant, magnificent symbols sparsely, if their impressive function is to be preserved.

At the same time, the restrictive mention of purple establishes an important fact before the audience: only Constantine wears purple in a legitimate way and in the proper occasions, without any kind of eccentricity or deviation as usurpers like Maximianus and Maxentius or the legendary Agamemnon in the Aeschylean tragedy did.
As a king, Agamemnon may have had a right to use purple. But it was an abuse, and therefore hubris, to tread on it, as the relevant passage in Aeschylus’s Agamemnon (910-965) makes clear.
Two other works are to be regarded as a part of the literary context of Eusebius’s Life of Constantine.
  • The first one is another panegyric, De laudibus Constantini, composed by the bishop of Caesarea himself, and pronounced in 336 during the celebration of the thirtieth anniversary of the reign of Constantine.
  • The second text is the Oratio ad sanctorum coetum. This speech is supposed to have been addressed by Constantine to an assembly of bishops in Greek. It was delivered on an uncertain date, between 312/313 and 325. As Constantine used to write in Latin, it is usually supposed that Eusebius took part in the composition of the Oratio, at least as its editor.
Purple is mentioned in both works and plays a role coherent with its public use and the Roman tradition as attested by the Panegyrici Latini.

The first reference to the purple in De laudibus (5,4) is very explicit in relation to the meaning of the imperial vestment and to the fact that only Constantine can wear the ἁλουργίς, as Eusebius calls the purple robe in this passage and usually in his panegyrics. This substantive properly designates what is wrought in or by the sea, and specifically a purple robe:
τὸ σεβάσμιον πρόσρημα τῷ τῆς ἀμπεχόνης ἐξαιρέτῳ περιβλήματι διαφαίνων καὶ τὴν ἐμπρέπουσαν αὐτῷ βασιλικὴν ἁλουργίδα μόνος ἐπαξίως ἐμπεριειλημμένος. 
Declaring the august title of supreme authority by the splendor of his vesture, he alone worthily wears that imperial purple which so well becomes him (Schaff).
A similar case is to be seen in a second passage from De laudibus (5,6); on this occasion the purple is accompanied by another distinctive imperial attribute, the diadem:
ἐσθῆτά γε μὴν χρυσοϋφῆ ποικίλοις ἄνθεσιν ἐξυφασμένην ἁλουργίδα τε βασιλικὴν σὺν αὐτῷ διαδήματι γελᾷ τοὺς πολλοὺς θεώμενος ἐκπεπληγμένους καὶ τὸ φάντασμα κομιδῇ νηπίων δίκην οἷόν τι μορμολύκειον θειάζοντας.
He [Constantine] smiles at his vesture, embroidered with gold and flowers, and at the imperial purple and diadem itself, when he sees the multitude gaze in wonder, like children at a bugbear, on the splendid spectacle.
Moral considerations are added afterwards, when Eusebius speaks about another garment, another περίβλημα that coats the emperor’s soul: it is the knowledge of ‘the Divine’, ἐπιστήμην τοῦ θείου.
This metaphorical vestment is also “temperance, righteousness, piety, and all other virtues” (δικαιοσύνῃ εὐσεβείᾳ τε καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ἀρεταῖς), what is said to fit specially well to the emperor, as it is “a vesture such as truly becomes a sovereign”, τὸν ἐπ’ ἀληθείας πρέποντα βασιλεῖ κόσμον.
It is true that such moral considerations do not appear in combination with the purple in the Panegyrici Latini. Notwithstanding this, these ethical commentaries are coherent with the kind of eulogies employed in the encomiastic secular literature.

For example, Constantine’s appearance attests his moral conditions when he enters the palace of his dead father according to the sixth PanLat (6,4,4). Namely, calmness, modesty, and sense of justice are mentioned in this text:
Idem enim est quem rursus in te colimus aspectus, eadem in fronte grauitas, eadem in oculis et in ore tranquillitas. Sic est index modestiae rubor, sic testis sermo iustitiae.
“For it is the same countenance that we revere once more in you, the same serious brow, the same calmness of eye and voice. In the same way your blush is an indication of your modesty, and your conversation a witness to your sense of justice”.
It is to be taken into account that the previous two passages from De laudibus speak about Constantine and his purple in terms which would have suited probably any pagan panegyric.
In De laudibus there are no references to those who have worn purple improperly, as happened three times in the Panegyrici Latini. Such a counterexample can only be found in Eusebius (if Eusebius played actually a role in the composition of the speech) in the Oratio ad sanctorum coetum (24,2), a speech addressed, as previous told, to an assembly of bishops.
Speaking of the emperor Valerian (200-260?), a prosecutor of Christians in the third century, Constantine refers to the infamous circumstances of his death, how he was led in chains by the Persian king Sapor I while he still wore the purple and the other imperial ornaments, probably in reference to the diadem:
ἀλλὰ σύγε, Οὐαλεριανέ, τὴν αὐτὴν μιαιφονίαν ἐνδειξάμενος τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τοῦ θεοῦ, τὴν ὁσίαν κρίσιν ἐξέφηνας ἁλοὺς αἰχμάλωτός τε καὶ δέσμιος ἀχθεὶς σὺν αὐτῇ πορφυρίδι καὶ τῷ λοιπῷ βασιλικῷ κόσμῳ, τέλος δὲ ὑπὸ Σαπώρου τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως ἐκδαρῆναι κελευσθεὶς καὶ ταριχευθεὶς τρόπαιον τῆς σαυτοῦ δυστυχίας ἔστησας αἰώνιον.
You, too, Valerian, who manifested the same spirit of cruelty towards the servants of God, have afforded an example of righteous judgment. A captive in the enemies’ hands, led in chains while yet arrayed in the purple and imperial attire, and at last your skin stripped from you, and preserved by command of Sapor the Persian king, you have left a perpetual trophy of your calamity.
This text establishes a direct link between Valerian’s cruelty against the Christians and his awful fate. His presentation as a prisoner coated with the imperial purple becomes even more paradoxical when not only this garment is said to have eventually been stripped from the body but even his own skin: mors persecutorum pessima.

In the Vita Constantini Eusebius makes also a restrictive use of purple, as attested in all the other panegyrists. Nevertheless, the references to this precious substance in the work are as scanty as significant. Unlike the other analysed texts, the references to purple in the Vita can be even read as a kind of milestones which indicate the different and evolving attitudes of Constantine towards the imperial power and the relation of purple to religion, both in an official and a personal sense.

ἁλουργίς, which appears four times in Eusebius’s Vita Constantini, is employed for the first time after Constantius Chlorus’s death, in a situation parallel, and at the same time different, to the one known through the sixth Latin Panegyric.

According to the Life of Constantine (1,21,2-22,1), Constantine, having being named heir by Constantius, entered the paternal palace invested with his father’s own purple robe, which means symbolically so much as adorned with the imperial dignity his father had enjoyed:
[ὁ Κωνστάντιος] ἐν αὐτοῖς βασιλείοις ἐπὶ βασιλικῇ στρωμνῇ, τὸν κλῆρον τῆς βασιλείας νόμῳ φύσεως τῷ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ προάγοντι τῶν παίδων παραδούς, διανεπαύσατο. Οὐ μὴν ἀβασίλευτος ἔμενεν ἡ ἀρχή, αὐτῇ δ’ ἁλουργίδι πατρικῇ Κωνσταντῖνος κοσμησάμενος τῶν πατρικῶν οἴκων προῄει, ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀναβιώσεως τὸν πατέρα βασιλεύοντα δι’ ἑαυτοῦ δεικνὺς τοῖς πᾶσιν.
In the palace itself, on the imperial couch, he handed over his part of the Empire by natural succession to the senior in age among his sons, and expired. The Empire however was not left ungoverned. Arrayed in his father’s own purple robe Constantine emerged from his father's halls, showing to one and all that, as though revived, his father reigned through him (tr. Cameron-Hall).
By publicly assuming this garment, he was obviously proclaiming to the whole Empire and to the other Tetrarchs that he intended to be the new Augustus. And he did it in accordance with the Roman use, as already seen in the Panegyrici Latini and De laudibus Constantini.

No further mention is made to the purple or the clothes tinted with it in Eusebius’s eulogy until the Council of Nicaea (325) opens the third book. On this solemn occasion Constantine made his entrance before the magnificent assembly, constituted by about three hundred bishops, in a splendorous way; cf. Eus., VC 3,10,3-4):
πάντων δ’ ἐξαναστάντων ἐπὶ συνθήματι, ὃ τὴν βασιλέως εἴσοδον ἐδήλου, αὐτὸς δὴ λοιπὸν διέβαινε μέσος οἷα θεοῦ τις οὐράνιος ἄγγελος, λαμπρὰν μὲν ὥσπερ φωτὸς μαρμαρυγαῖς ἐξαστράπτων περιβολήν, ἁλουργίδος δὲ πυρωποῖς καταλαμπόμενος ἀκτῖσι, χρυσοῦ τε καὶ λίθων πολυτελῶν διαυγέσι φέγγεσι κοσμούμενος.
All rose at a signal, which announced the Emperor’s entrance; and he finally walked along between them, like some heavenly angel of God, his bright mantle shedding lustre like beams of light, shining with the fiery radiance of a purple robe, and decorated with the dazzling brilliance of gold and precious stones (tr. Cameron-Hall).
This passage makes a conscious use of enargeia and focuses on the physical appearance of the emperor as different textual markers show. As in the case of De laudibus (5,6), it is followed by comments on his internal disposition.
Thus a coherent image of Constantine is presented, both external and internal, whose general tone is advanced by the initial and encomiastic comparison: οἷα θεοῦ τις οὐράνιος ἄγγελος.
According to Eusebius, the almighty Augustus appears before the clergy as a heavenly angel of God whose most distinctive visible features are brightness and luminosity because of the combined effect of gold and precious stones which adorn his garments. As a part of this brightness he is said to wear also a purple robe which makes him shine as it emits hyperbolically a fiery radiance.

The comparison of a man with an angel of God could be problematic, because it could be regarded as an exaggeration and the first step towards hubris. Purple can actually mean hubris, as the example of Agamemnon in his tragedy shows. But the Aeschylean Agamemnon is a figure different from the Eusebian hero.

Eusebius takes care of showing that Constantine, this ‘angel of God’, is not guilty of hubris. He does it, as already advanced, through textual comments on Constantine’s external appearance which shows his internal excellence: the emperor is humble because his eyes are cast down, his face blushes, his gait is harmonious, and the rest of his appearance reflects, according to Eusebius, his moral disposition.

In the first passage from the Life of Constantine (1,22,1) purple or purple garments signified as much as imperial dignity and emperorship in accordance with the Roman tradition. Eusebius has gone now a step beyond, as purple is dyed with new and supernatural shades in this second text.
Constantine, as he opens the Council of Nicaea, is not only the emperor of Rome. Although not yet baptized, he had become a kind of episcopus maximus among Christian bishops. Significantly he wears shining purple when he assumes his new role.
It must be reminded that purple had not only significance in social and political contexts in Antiquity: it played a role also in ancient religions such as Judaism.
This is well attested in the Old Testament, in which it is prescribed that the tent of the Tabernacle and different religious objects must be made of purple, at least partially. More importantly, purple was also a part of the vestments which the High Priest should wear, as Exodus states.
When Constantine walks between the assembled bishops wearing his purple robe, if Eusebius’s text is read having in mind what Exodus says, it is better understood that the son of Constantius Chlorus acts not only as the emperor of Rome. Eusebius presents him actually as a kind of High Priest, as if Constantine’s imperial purple were embedded in the ritual purple which characterizes the High Priest in the Exodus.

The references to the purple in the first and third books of the Vita Constantini must be also read in connexion with what is said about this material in the fourth book. Purple appears once again there, and it does it in a very different situation and playing a distinct role too.

Within Eusebius’s narration of the death of the Emperor (4,62,4), it is shown how Constantine renounces the purple, the ἁλουργίς, and prefers other kind of garments, also bright and shining, but more adequate to a recently baptized individual, as if these were his baptismal robe:
Κωνσταντῖνος (…) θείας τε σφραγῖδος ἀξιούμενος ἠγάλλετο τῷ πνεύματι ἀνεκαινοῦτό τε καὶ φωτὸς ἐνεπίμπλατο θείου (…) τὸ δ’ ἐναργὲς καταπεπληγὼς τῆς ἐνθέου δυνάμεως. Ὡς δ’ ἐπληροῦτο τὰ δέοντα, λαμπροῖς καὶ βασιλικοῖς ἀμφιάσμασι φωτὸς ἐκλάμπουσι τρόπον περιεβάλλετο ἐπὶ λευκοτάτῃ τε στρωμνῇ διανεπαύετο, οὐκέθ’ ἁλουργίδος ἐπιψαῦσαι θελήσας.
Constantine was initiated by rebirth in the mysteries of Christ, and exulted in the Spirit on being vouchsafed the divine seal, and was renewed and filled with divine light (…), awestruck at the manifestation of the divinely inspired power. When the due ceremonies were complete, he put on bright imperial clothes which shone like light, and rested on a pure white couch, being unwilling to touch a purple robe again (tr. Cameron-Hall).
In this text Ὡς δ’ ἐπληροῦτο τὰ δέοντα refers to the rite of baptism which Constantine received only when he felt the proximity of impending death. Light, brightness, luminosity, clearness, are concepts which also recur in this passage, as they did by the inauguration of the Council in Nicaea. Now Constantine is said to have been filled with a light which is divine, and this will be repeated by the emperor himself when Eusebius cites his own words in the next chapter (4,63,1).

Then divine power which astonishes Constantine is said to be visible, and Eusebius expresses this idea by a significant adjective, now substantivated, τὸ ἐναργὲς, which relates to ἐνάργεια, a central concept in the presentation of the imperial image in the Vita Constantini.

As already advanced, the emperor dresses afterwards new cloths, characterised by their brightness: they are said to be λαμπροῖς and redundantly φωτὸς ἐκλάμπουσι τρόπον, “brilliant as the light”. These imperial garments are not positively said to be white, as usual in the case of the new baptized since Antiquity. But whiteness may be suggested by λαμπροῖς, which can mean as much as candidus in Latin, “shining white”, as when Polybius (10,5,1) translates the Roman expression toga candida as λαμπρὰν ἐσθῆτα.

The fundamental point to be retained is that the emperor does not want to dress any more the purple cloth, not even touch it. The renounce to the metaphoric brightness of purple which played a central role in 3,10,4 has as its counterpart the reception of the true light, the ‘divine light’ which Constantine receives by the occasion of his baptism as related by Eusebius in the fourth book.

When analysing a previous text (VC 3,10,3-4), the testimony of the Old Testament has been brought into discussion, and it has been proposed that the scene depicting the entrance of Constantine into the Nicaea Council should be read in the light of the Exodus’s passages which speak about the vestments which the High Priest wears when he fulfils his ritual debts.

In relation to the text now exposed it is advisable to take into account what the New Testament says about purple, because in this part of the Bible, as in the now analysed passage from the fourth book of the Life of Constantine, purple acquires negative nuances as a symbol of vanity, deception, and even evil.

There are different references to purple (always πορφύρα) within the New Testament, and at least one of them is purely factual.

In other cases purple is always mentioned in the New Testament with a negative nuance. Purple means for example a wealth insensible towards the needs of power Lazarus according to the parable included in the Gospel of Luke (16,19).

Purple also appears as a characteristic of evil in Apocalypse, as a part of the ornaments which embellish the woman who is the Great Prostitute and Babylon at the same time (17,4-5), the damned city whose destiny deplore the sellers whom she used to buy purple and other luxurious goods (18,11-12,16).

The main scene in which purple plays a role in the New Testament is the Passion of Jesus, as narrated by Matthew, Marc and John.

They refer to the Roman soldiers mocking Jesus by imposing him royal attributes which are out of place in the case of a prisoner who is going to be soon executed and die, as Constantine in this moment of his Life. The aforementioned attributes are a sceptre (only in Matthew), a crown of thorns (in the three evangelists), and a vestment which is “purple” in Marc (15,17: πορφύραν) or a “purple cloak” in John (19,2: ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν). Cf. Marc 15,17-19:
17 καὶ ἐνδιδύσκουσιν αὐτὸν πορφύραν καὶ περιτιθέασιν αὐτῷ πλέξαντες ἀκάνθινον στέφανον· 18 καὶ ἤρξαντο ἀσπάζεσθαι αὐτόν, Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων· 19 καὶ ἔτυπτον αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν καλάμῳ καὶ ἐνέπτυον αὐτῷ, καὶ τιθέντες τὰ γόνατα προσεκύνουν αὐτῷ. 20 καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν πορφύραν καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια τὰ ἴδια.
Obviously it is unthinkable that the soldiers of the garrison would have had purple garments at their disposal, and moreover that they would have employed them to dress a bloody Jesus who had been already flagellated. Matthew (27,28) says actually that the soldiers changed his vestments by a scarlet cloak, probably a military one. But that may have been enough for the farce which the soldiers were representing. Cf. Matthew 27,28-31:
28 καὶ ἐκδύσαντες αὐτὸν χλαμύδα κοκκίνην περιέθηκαν αὐτῷ, 29 καὶ πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ κάλαμον ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γονυπετήσαντες ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ λέγοντες, Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 30 καὶ ἐμπτύσαντες εἰς αὐτὸν ἔλαβον τὸν κάλαμον καὶ ἔτυπτον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. 31 καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ σταυρῶσαι.
They saluted Jesus as the King of the Jews, and even prostrated before him as before an emperor according to Matthew and Marc. As everything was a farce, they did not refrain from spitting and hitting him at the head. Once the play was finished, Jesus returned to be a prisoner condemned to death and therefore the soldiers took away from him the spurious royal purple robe.

Purple is also mentioned for the last time in the fourth book of the Life of Constantine (VC 4,62,4), and then with significant variations in comparison with its appearance in the scene of Constantine’s baptism.

After the baptism had taken place and the emperor had died, the bishop of Caesarea tells that the soldiers lifted the body of Constantine, brought it to Constantinople, and exposed it on an elevated place in the imperial palace (VC 4,66). It is said that the coffin in which the corpse was laid had been enveloped in purple, which is now for the first time in the Life of Constantine ‘imperial purple’, ἁλουργίδι βασιλικῇ.

Moreover, a new reference of purple, now πορφύρα for the first time, comes next, when it is said that the emperor was “arrayed in the symbols of sovereignty, the purple and the diadem”:
Ἄραντες δ’ οἱ στρατιωτικοὶ τὸ σκῆνος χρυσῇ κατετίθεντο λάρνακι, ταύτην θ’ ἁλουργίδι βασιλικῇ περιέβαλλον ἐκόμιζόν τ’ εἰς τὴν βασιλέως ἐπώνυμον πόλιν, κἄπειτα ἐν αὐτῷ τοῦ παντὸς προφέροντι τῶν βασιλείων οἴκων βάθρον ἐφ’ ὑψηλὸν κατετίθεντο, φῶτά τ’ ἐξάψαντες κύκλῳ ἐπὶ σκευῶν χρυσῶν θαυμαστὸν θέαμα τοῖς ὁρῶσι παρεῖχον, οἷον ἐπ’ οὐδενὸς πώποτ’ ὑφ’ ἡλίου αὐγαῖς ἐκ πρώτης αἰῶνος συστάσεως ἐπὶ γῆς ὤφθη. ἔνδον γάρ τοι ἐν αὐτῷ παλατίῳ κατὰ τὸ μεσαίτατον τῶν βασιλείων ἐφ’ ὑψηλῆς κείμενον χρυσῆς λάρνακος τὸ βασιλέως σκῆνος, βασιλικοῖς τε κόσμοις πορφύρᾳ τε καὶ διαδήματι τετιμημένον, πλεῖστοι περιστοιχισάμενοι ἐπαγρύπνως δι’ ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς ἐφρούρουν.
The military took up the remains and laid them in a golden coffin. They wrapped this in imperial purple, and bore it into the city named after the Emperor; then in the most superb of all the imperial halls they laid it on a high pedestal, and by kindling lights all round on golden stands they provided a wonderful spectacle for the onlookers of a kind never seen on earth by anyone under the light of the sun from the first creation of the world. Within the palace itself, in the central imperial quarters, the Emperor’s remains, adorned with imperial ornaments, with purple and crown, was guarded day and night by a huge circle of people keeping vigil (tr. Cameron-Hall).
The pregnant institutional occasion of the funus imperatoris explains why the purple is now ‘imperial’, why it is mentioned together with the diadem – and why Constantine comes again in contact with purple, the symbol he had rejected shortly before.


At the end of this analysis it may be said that purple is actually a recurring visual element which contributes to define the image of the emperor in the Eusebian Vita Constantini; it is one of those important iconological elements of the Vita for which we do not have yet a complete study as indicated by Van Nuffelen in 2013 (cf. P. Van Nuffelen, "The Life of Constantine: The Image of an Image", in A. Johnson and J. Schott (eds.), Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, Cambridge MA, 2013, 133-149.).
And, as previously proposed, purple appears repeatedly in the Life of Constantine as a kind of milestone. It may be added that this milestone has a kaleidoscopic character.
  • In an official, secular sense purple means in Eusebius Roman imperial power, as seen in the first and last mention of the Life, in De laudibus Constantini, and in the contemporaneous Panegyrici Latini.
  • Purple also means imperial dignity in the narration of the Council of Nicaea. However, in this climactic moment of the Vita Constantini, it expresses new, religious and ritual notions, as best appreciated when the passage is read in the light of the Old Testament.
  • In a more intimate sense purple may express the most personal convictions of Constantine, and it does this paradoxically when the emperor rejects it at the moment of his death. In this case Eusebius has embedded in the substance and its colour the nuances which it acquires in the New Testament, in which Jesus, as Constantine, dies without purple garments after having had them on his shoulders.
  • What is not found in a basilikos logos like the Vita Constantini is the sense which the deviated use of purple acquires three times in the Panegyrici Latini and once in the Oratio ad sanctorum coetum.